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It might give cause for reflection of your position. If you disagree with the positions stated in the article, please outline your opinions and support your arguments.
When I was retiring from the military, and getting ready to leave Japan, there were a few parties thrown for me.
I let people know that my intentions had been all along to learn really high quality Aikido to bring back to Florida and disseminate through the southeast.
Inagaki-Sawa Sensei was very proud to have grown up in Iwama and to have been promoted to nidan when he was The techniques felt exactly the same as what Saito Sensei was teaching up in Iwama and Hitohiro Saito Sensei was teaching in Yoyogi Uehara which was 3 or 4 stops south of Shinjuku station on the Odakyu Line.
With the reaction from these people I was certain that I had achieved that goal. Unfortunately, I could not practice the Iwama Style often enough and Nishio Sensei was teaching on a circuit I could follow on many nights of the week.
What he was teaching was also very strong and reliable, but very different in execution. As I progressed, the path to black belt went through Nishio Sensei; there was no particular preference cause I loved both styles.
Nishio Sensei held tests regularly and quarterly at multiple locations. That was where I got the most practice, so that was the route I took.
I continue to teach my beginners the Iwama Style cause I want them to have that great foundation before I blow their minds with the Nishio techniques.
This is a most interesting article and in all agrees with all the information I have been getting from many persons I talked to in Iwama through the years.
All of these I talk about had first hand experience of the Founder and of Kisshomaru Sensei. Since I am no historian, I do not have a system for labeling these people.
Also some information was from people whose name I never knew or was too difficult to remember and now have passed away.
But they were eager to talk about their experiences and leave some information behind. But it will only offend those who do not research, understandable, too.
Aikido practitioners, specially teachers, should take some time to study, to read, to talk to others seriously and, especially, to listen.
Some information we learn about people whom we had such a high ideal of, may compromise our sympathy and admiration for them, but at the same time, makes them human.
They are still important to us and to aikido history, but human. That the Founder was a martial genius is not to be doubted, I think. But the art was propagated by others using his name.
This is so clear like a summer sky in Lisbon. Kisshomaru was a hard working man, no credit is taken from him in this.
On the contrary! The many times I met him in Iwama he was always polite and quiet. Sensei urged us to have the deepest respect for him.
But this quiet person, together with advise of others as well, was the mind behind the way most aikido is practiced today.
Certainly an interesting article… I believe your info is spot on. He is passionate about not altering what he learned from the founder. Having been involved with Aikido since and having been to many seminars as well as having some fine Sensei over the years I was stunned by how little I knew when I began training in Kimiidera.
Takenaka Sensei is about 80 yrs old and moves like the wind. In a nut shell, his Aikido is as different as night and day from all my previous experiences.
BTW, he has very close ties to the Ueshiba family. This article makes a lot of sense. I understand the resistance to this idea that Kisshomaru was pivotal in spreading and growing Aikido in the world.
They share what they have indescriminately and trust that the rest will take care of itself. And, as with other masters, followers build up around the teacher and people begin to disseminate the teachings.
In history, this has been both fruitful and disasterous. Often followers became dogmatic and lost the essence of what was taught.
In other situations, the teachings were carried forward with wisdom and insight. I think the Aikido world was fortunate to have experienced the latter in Kisshomaru.
And still I believe that there are many dogmatic people out there in the Aikido world too. The countless political factions of aikido are testimony to that.
People who learned from him including his son built a map to this thing through the art we practice today. It is the same thing that people all over the world point to in the sense of the tao, etc.
For example, does the fact that the political system restricts voting rights to men only or to certain racial groups mean that there is no democracy?
What about if the country does not respond to the needs of the people, e. Should the political system promote real equality and a fair distribution of resources?
One way of understanding democracy would be to examine the toot of the word itself, i. Aristotle listed many other examples when he wrote:.
Over the years, these experiences of the Greek city-states inspired many political communities to emulate them.
What distinguished their experiences from those of the ancient Greeks were the right-based justifications used to legitimize the political system and the structures that were created to ensure its continuity, e.
Like the proponents of democracy in ancient Greece, the American and French revolutionaries claimed to have empowered the people by giving them self-rule.
Unfortunately, this is often misinterpreted as meaning the total empowerment of all members of the political community the people , in the sense of being full beneficiaries of the political system.
This is far from true. The democratic experiments in Istrus, Heraclea, Cnidus, Erythrea and Basilidae, which Aristotle wrote about, did not permit all the members of these communities to participate in the political process children, women and slaves, for examples, were excluded.
Despite this obvious exclusion from power, the political system was called democracy, apparently because it was expected that those who were empowered by the system would promote the interests of the community as a whole, e.
Before slavery was abolished in the s black slaves were deemed to be the property of their white owners.
Many of the celebrated fathers of the American Revolution, such as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, were themselves slave-owners.
White women too were marginalized and excluded from positions of power until the mids. The French Republics which were established following the French Revolution also failed to deliver the democracy that had been promised, until after World War II.
Is this people composed of all the persons that are present in the country, including foreign residents and tourists, or only the citizens wherever they may be , or is it selected categories of citizens e.
Is the power or authority of this people simply to choose who should rule, regardless of whether the chosen ruler is a tyrant or one who responds to the wishes and needs of the governed?
In other words, does democracy empower the people to rule itself through elected representatives who can be removed if they fail to respond to what the electorate wants and expects?
The term is commonly used to describe a particular social group by combining it with a social, territorial other factor. This means while people in a society can be divided according to the languages they speak, the religions they profess and the territories they inhabit, legally they constitute one entity.
Understood in this unique technical sense, a people can be very young, e. Two distinct peoples can merge, example as the East and West German peoples did following the fall of the Berlin Wall, and one people can split into two or more new political communities, as occurred in Yugoslavia and the USSR.
Again, a people can also exist for well over a thousand years. The fact that no human being can live that long makes no difference.
Grotius clarified the distinction that should be borne in mind between the lives of these kinds of imagined political communities and those of their members by stating the following.
If the existence of a people as a political community is indisputable, a question which follows from this is how can this people govern itself as suggested by the term democracy?
Does this necessarily mean that the voice and interests of all the members of this political community should count?
This honest statement exposes the hypocrisy surrounding those who brag about behaving in accordance with the principles of democracy.
If democracy is the rule of the people as a whole, government which responds to the interests of a minority or a majority cannot be democratic.
To argue otherwise is false or, in everyday language, a lie. There are two ways of seeing this. One is to say that if sovereignty belongs to the people, power can only be delegated to the government.
This means that the governmental authorities are mandated to serve as representatives, to act by responding continuously and transparently to the wishes and interests of the people.
The other interpretation reduces democracy to the means of legitimizing the government. Once the people has chosen the government, those elected should represent the state by exercising the sovereignty of the state.
They can do this by promoting the interests of the majority or of a minority or minorities or those of the whole people as they see fit.
Until its period in power is over, the government in charge does not have to step down just because there are people that are not pleased by how the country is governed.
Whichever stance one takes, it is difficult to avoid those ideologically charged questions regarding the kinds of rights of the members of the political community should have, and the justifications for these rights.
While a deeper discussion of this topic is beyond the scope of this contribution, it would be a mistake to ignore it altogether in any discussion of democracy and human rights.
The Discourse on Human Rights and Democracy. The Contentious Positions : The debate on human rights and democracy is very old, complex and linked to the kinds of political interests which deserve to be protected.
The main aim here is not to attempt to disentangle all the thorny issues but merely to highlight the dominant positions as a backdrop for an examination of where international human rights law stands on this matter.
For the purpose of this paper, the debate can be narrowed down to one between the individualist and collectivist approach to rights.
The dividing line concerns the justifications for the rights of individuals, what the limitations for them are and how they apply to individual as member of broader social groups inside political communities?
Defenders of the rights and interests of the broader community maintain that since individuals are product of their communities, their rights and freedoms should be subordinated to the rights, interests and needs of their communities.
Most individualists, on the other hand, reject this position and question the very existence of the community or society as a separate entity.
Whichever stance one takes individualist or collectivist in order to defend democracy, there is no escape from the requirement to justify why rights should be recognized in the first place.
The question which begs for an answer becomes what the foundation for the rights which is used as the bricks for building and sustaining the desired form of democracy?
Defenders of Natural Law, positivism and other sources of rights have wrestled with this question, which brings to the surface seemingly intractable questions regarding the nature of the human being.
Are humans social, humane and rationale, or self-centered, autonomous and evil beings, who should be tamed to conform to social requirements?
Can democracy co-exist with individualism? Should the majority impose its will over the rest in the name of democracy?
Is democracy merely the presence of a social contract whereby the governed choose who should rule? Should the governed have a say on how the government rules?
These questions have been answered differently. The theory of social contract has been advanced by different philosophers in the interests of the governed, even though the way it is formulated has varied considerably.
Hobbes called for their renunciation in the interest of the common good. This was justified because we are not social like bees but individualistic , egocentric, jealous, evil beings who constantly struggle for power and dominance.
If the ruler fails to achieve this, the people should choose a different ruler. This Hobbesian formula advocates a government which is chosen by the people and for the people but is not of the people.
The idea of social contract is used merely to legitimize the government and to disempower the governed in the conduct of the political affairs of the community.
In other words, this is not democracy in substance. However, they liked his endorsement of despotism, which is why Hobbes earned the title of apologist for tyranny.
Like Hobbes, John Locke and Immanuel Kant recognized natural rights and supported the idea of a social contract theory. However, they did not use it to justify despotic form of governance.
Jean Jacques Rousseau , who lived during the same period as John Locke, also defended both natural rights and the principle of social contract.
According to him, social life promotes morality and the values of humanity even if it is not always easy to suppress individual selfishness and anti-social behaviors.
In other words, what is unique with his approach is the recognition that the individual should not be allowed to undermine the interests of the broader community.
Individual rights and freedoms should be subordinated to those of the community. Marx argued that the social contacts proposed by the writers such as Hobbes, Locke, Kant and Rousseau cannot resolve the political problems and conflicts arising from social relations based on the appropriation of private property.
Karl Marx dismissed some of the French and American revolutionary slogans, such as, liberty, security, freedom, and equality, as both empty words and deceptive.
As he argued:. The electoral systems established after the French and American Revolutions were belittled by Karl Marx.
The political resolution is the resolution of civil society. Engels and V. Lenin also supported, as legitimate, the struggle of historically constituted sociological nations to secede from oppressor nations and to establish proletariat nations.
The flood of literature which is inspired by the above-mentioned thinkers and others before and after them is often categorized under various schools of thinking, such as Marxist and Neo-Marxist, liberal and Neo-Liberal, Libertarian, Communitarian, traditionalist and many others.
Although writers sometimes resent being compartmentalized in this way, these labels will be employed in this study as they are used in the general literature to make it easier to understand who follows which position in the debate relating to human rights and democracy.
Liberals and libertarians are the champions of individual rights and freedoms and question the legitimacy of collective and group rights.
The latter are defended by Communitarians, Socialists and Social Democrats. Having said this, care should be taken to avoid generalizations, since we find various shades of thoughts within each school of thought.
This is why it is important to examine the formulations used by each writer before passing judgment on the democratic formulas defended by each school of thought.
It is simply for purposes of simplifying this complex debate that this paper has chosen to divide them between two camps, namely those who defend normative individualism and those who are behind collectivism.
The thought of Ayn Rand, one of the most celebrated libertarians, can be used as an example of how many defenders of normative individualism think.
This rejection of community led Rand to question the role of government in promoting the wider interests of the society or in protecting marginalized groups.
She strongly resented the use of tax revenues to provide benefits under the pretext of promoting the right to work, health services and standards of living.
As far as she was concerned:. There are Liberals who seek to give democracy substantive meaning by accepting the importance of promoting some collective interests of the community.
Will Kymlicka also moves the compass of liberalism closer to what matters for the marginalized and the common good. However, this does not go far enough to the recognition of collective life or groups.
Communitarians are not shy when it comes to defending communities, their interests and the role of governments.
They dismiss Liberalism as a misleading ideology because it distorts who the self is and how social relations work. The reality which Communitarians recognize acknowledges the presence of social bonds, values and loyalty to family, relatives, neighbors, friends and co-workers.
Liberalism, according to Walzer, denies all this as if the individual exists in a vacuum and as if there is no community, no Jews, blacks, Catholics, religious organizations, etc.
These social forces enrich the self, endowing it both with morality and roles and responsibilities. The self emerges in the real world, according to Crowley, from a social context, as a byproduct of complex processes of nurturing, training, relationships and attachment.
This contextual self-awareness comes with social roles and social responsibilities which are linked to religious, cultural, national, professional and other requirements.
This is why when the individual describes himself he brings others in the picture by stating:. Hence what is good for me has to be the good for one who inhabits these roles.
As such, I inherit from the past of my family, my city, my tribe, my nation, a variety of debts, inheritances, rightful expectations and obligations.
This description reflects ways of life that exist in many developing countries. These kinds of identifications sometimes bestow social benefits or disadvantages depending on the reputation of the person or family whose name is used.
This approach to the understanding of the self reveals the interactive and reflective nature of the individual. Of these, democracy is clearly the most favored system.
However, how democracy should be understood concretely and applied in practice remains a puzzle because the point of departure for deciding how society should be organized differs depending on how the human being is perceived.
That democracy should permit people to choose their government is not in dispute. The dividing line is on what kinds of rights, freedoms and obligations the individual should have and how these should be aligned to the interests of community.
Except in times of hardship, such as, during periods of war, political chaos or confinement in jails or hospitals , the human being in this part of the world is social.
Even in times of extreme poverty or economic deprivation, which tests the limits of human loyalty, individuals remain attached to one another emotionally, socially and in many other ways.
Although the political models of governance recommended by Hobbes, Libertarians and Liberals are different, they are united in their affirmation of the individualistic nature of the human being.
Where the latter two currents of thought differ from Hobbes is in their rejection of his characterization of human beings as evil by nature.
They, therefore, come to different conclusions regarding the extent to which individuals deserve to exercise what are regarded as natural rights and freedoms.
For Libertarians and Liberals there should be no hindrance to the exercise of civil and political rights by individuals. What is more, these rights should even be prioritized over the interests of the community.
As far as they are concerned, a community is nothing more than the sum of its members, which means that the community or social groups cannot have distinct interests and rights.
This is why they advocate reducing the role of governments and their influence over community matters and reject the idea of protecting marginalized social groups.
This political model, which prioritizes the rights of individuals over the needs of the community and rejects the idea that government should have a role in responding to these needs, blocks the possibilities of achieving democracy in substance.
Less governance, by definition, means less care for the collective needs and problems of the governed. What the electoral system assures is only democracy in form, a means of legitimizing the power.
This right to choose the ruler was justified by Hobbes because he believed that the individual has natural rights , i. However, since this person is assumed to be, by nature, egocentric, competitive and violent, Hobbes recommended surrendering these natural rights in the interest of the peace and interests of community life.
One should note, in this regard, that Hobbes expected the ruler to govern by observing the mandates given by the governed — namely to protect the interests and safety of the community.
What is problematic in the Hobbesian formula is the assumption that people would choose to surrender their rights and freedoms and willingly submit to suffering under a tyrannical rule.
Liberal and Libertarian democracies are products of the historical evolution of Western European societies and those states which were established outside Europe by the descendants of Europeans.
Liberal democracy is a political system which mirrors the nature of the prevailing social relations and which evolved from the requirements of the socio-economic and political structures of the industrialized capitalist states.
It attaches special importance to the freedoms and values of the individual citizen and applies social contract theory as a means of legitimizing governance through regular elections.
This constitutes a system of government of the people , hence democracy in form. The exercise of individual rights and freedoms opens the doors for empowerment from below , and governance by the people.
However, since minorities are not able to participate effectively in the political machinery or to benefit from the economic wealth of these countries in the same way as the members of the majorities, the system has serious weaknesses.
However, in reality , this is possible only if states are politically and economically strong and able or willing to meet the needs of their citizens, including that of the marginalized members of the vulnerable groups.
Otherwise, the latter will be unwilling to abandon their loyalty to their traditional identities and social structures since they are the basis for their survival.
Whether this Western model of normative individualism works in the developing countries as it does in the West is an open question.
Even in the more economically developed urban settings of these countries, social relations have a collective dimension. Unlike in the West, the governments on these continents are not politically or economically strong enough, to care for their citizens, with the exception of mineral exporting countries like the Gulf countries or the few industrialized Asian countries.
The fact that the developing countries have a heterogenous social base, in contrast to the homogenous nature of the nation-states of Europe, also calls into question the idea of rule of the majority which underpins democracy in Europe.
This model of majority rule, that is characteristic of Liberal or Libertarian democracy, is appreciated by the members of the majorities since the political system adopts their ethnic, linguistic or religious characteristics.
It is those who belong to the ethnic or linguistic or religious minorities who fear marginalization and discrimination based on their identities.
It is no wonder, therefore, that the system can even tolerate and protect the exercise of individual rights and freedoms that are directed against ethnic, linguistic or religious minorities.
This is also why when the racist, Nazi and Fascist groups mobilize the members of the majorities against the minorities they do it under the pretext of nationalism, by even describing themselves democrats.
For many of the African and Asian countries who have over one hundred smaller distinct ethnic, religious or cultural groups e. In most of these countries, the official languages used in the government offices, courts, schools, hospitals, employment areas, etc.
By virtue of their numerical size these majorities can effectively dominate the other groups economically, politically, culturally, socially and in other respects.
The fear of being dominated by other social groups, as well as the desire to protect and promote their own traditional collective interests, leads individual in these kinds of societies to think of their own narrower social groups rather than with the nation when the right to votes is exercised.
Africans interact on a more communal basis. The other reason which makes normative individualism less attractive in countries that are not as economically developed as Western countries is that it is associated with calls to limit the role and authority of government in societal matters.
People in countries with diverse social groups who suffer from neglect, deprivation and discrimination need centralized government policies and measures to provide assistance, for example, by expanding the infrastructure and providing education, health services, housing facilities and the like.
This means government for the people. However, this is the exact opposite of what normative individualism calls for, particularly as inspired by the Randian political model.
Under this formula an unemployed person is given the option of accepting or rejecting an offer of employment. A person who is discriminated against in the field of employment, education or health has nowhere to turn to because the government is discouraged from responding to these kinds of social and economic problems.
A citizen who is bankrupted after being forced to sell his home to pay for medical treatment for family member or who becomes disabled or ill due to conditions at work should not count on help from the government since the rights to health and a decent standard of living are not recognized.
The individual merits no support as a citizen since the government has no authority to respond to such problems.
Those private individuals who try to help by providing support are ridiculed since altruism is considered as foolishness. This model is surely unacceptable in developing countries.
Concerned by the loophole in human rights which normative individualism has created, some Liberals, such as Jack Donnelly, Will Kymlicka, John Rawls and those who appreciate the virtues of Utilitarianism offer different kinds of remedies in the interest of social justice.
Jack Donnelly endorses economic and social rights but not group rights, except indigenous rights.
Kymlicka accepts group rights including minority rights. Both these positions deviate from normative individualism. Embracing Utilitarian ideas also creates obvious tension with the Liberal and Libertarian ways of thinking, whose very premise, at least as formulated in the thoughts of John Locke, Immanuel Kant and Jean Jacque Rousseau is the defense of natural rights.
According to Jeremy Bentham, the father of Utilitarianism and positivism, the notion of natural rights is nonsense because it is fabricated based on passions.
This is why Utilitarianism maintains that if a right is worth its name it should have utility. The collectivist schools of thoughts, such as, Communitarianism, Socialism and Social-Democracy embark from a solid base which considers the self as a by-product of the community and the defense of the collective interests.
Regarding the self as a by-product of the community leads to the idea of empowering communities. However, this creates tension inside multi-ethnic and multi-national societies, and may even lead to the disintegration of their states, as occurred in the former U.
R, the Yugoslav Federation and Czechoslovakia. Colorado is one of only four states that does not require any continuing medical education for physicians.
But one Colorado physician, a former president of the state medical society, is urging that prohibition be removed. A fifth state, New York, does not require coursework hours but does mandate specific courses on infection control, painkiller prescribing, and training in identifying and reporting child abuse.
Starting in , one of the four other states, Indiana, will require physicians to complete courses on opioid abuse and prescribing. Indiana is now one of 17 states that require continuing education on controlled substances.
That leaves just three states — Montana, South Dakota and Colorado — with no continuing education requirement whatsoever, said Gene Richer, director of continuing education for the Colorado Medical Society.
Many doctors obtain what is known as board certification in a specialty. To be board certified, physicians must regularly demonstrate knowledge in their particular specialty to the governing body of that specialty.
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